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September 30, 2010
The North American Trade Region, composed of Canada, Mexico, and the United States, has a total population of 350 million inhabitants and an internal gross income of approximately US$6 trillion. This makes this region one of the largest economic trading blocs in the world. It is thus attractive not only in terms of its size, but also, in terms of its characteristics as a market, because it joins two of the most powerful economies in the world with a leading country of the developing world.
NAFTA has been the principal force behind the integration of the area into a free trade zone. It has triggered international trade by reducing tariffs and eliminating trade barriers in general, and this is reflected in major growth and wealth among the three member countries.
As a legal instrument, NAFTA is one of the most comprehensive multilateral intellectual property agreements ever conceived, and has generally established a higher level of protection than any other bilateral or multilateral international agreement, including GATT/TRIPS.
As a result, NAFTA has been the vehicle for the setting of higher standards and, to some extent, harmonization of the industrial property and copyright laws of Canada, Mexico, and the United States. All of the foregoing have made North America a true global competitor.
In a global context, intellectual property laws go hand in hand with international trade and competition laws. However, the crossing of paths of intellectual property and international trade has raised questions about territoriality. Traditionally, intellectual property has been framed by the concept of territoriality. And, as a result of globalization, IP laws are likely to become more flexible. Otherwise, instead of a mechanism for the fostering of free trade, IP would be a source of conflict and struggle.
But would the softening of the territoriality principle in IP law mean that countries have to relinquish their own national patent systems and offices?
Would it be a justifiable undertaking for the three countries, signatories to one treaty, to engage in the effort of creating a regional patent office, considering the expense that this would represent in terms of money and other resources?
Would a single office attract investment into the region and foster the transfer of technology and trade?
Each member of NAFTA has different industrialization and economic levels. There are also differences in the numbers of patent filing-that is, national applications.
The Canadian Patent Office receives approximately 21,500 Patent Cooperation Treaty (PCT) applications per year. The Mexican Patent Office receives approximately 7,000 PCT applications per year. The US Patent Office receives approximately 30,000 PCT applications per year.
Since 1983, Mexico has undergone political and economic change. There is now a better framework for democracy. Mexico has also opened its borders by entering into different bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements.
Industrial competitiveness and economic development have become more perceptible. A dynamic process can also be observed in the greater volume of exports a different kinds of products. Mexico has become the eighth largest exporting nation in the world.
Commerce between Mexico and its neighbors to the north has increased significantly. The United States is Mexico’s principal trading partner, while Mexico is the United States’ third or even second largest trading partner, after Canada and perhaps Japan. While it was practically non-existent before, it commercial relationship with Canada has developed quickly since the signing of NAFTA.
The three countries are signatories to the Paris Convention, which recognizes:
The three countries are also signatories to the Strasbourg Convention. UPOV, PCT, TRIPS, and NAFTA. These conventions all require that patents be made available for inventions (products or processes) that are new, the result of an inventive step, and capable of industrial application. There are, however, differences in conceptualization of requirements in each country.
These conventions also provide certain exclusions:
It is unclear what would be done in connection with exclusion areas that are not specific in NAFTA but that are still considered in member countries’ laws (for example, Mexican Law), such as the patentability of business methods or computer software.
For the economic and legal reasons explained above, there may be sufficient reason to create a regional patent office that integrates the three NAFTA member countries. There are, however, additional factors that should be taken into account before a regional patent office becomes a reality.
The setting up of a Patent Office cannot be regarded as an easy task. A regional office would represent a major effort. The European Union has dealt with this issue, and has expended significant amounts of time and money from its signatories’ budgets.
Would such an expense be reasonable for only three countries, who have their own patent systems and patent offices working well? Would the growth of commerce among the three NAFTA countries, and NAFTA itself, justify the creation of a regional patent office?
The creation of a regional patent office would not imply the integration of the market. The European office is an example of that. It would, however, require the harmonization of patent rules in the laws of the three countries – that is, the abolition of first to file to first to invent. Would the United States drop its first-to-invent system, or would Canada and Mexico leave behind the first-to-file system and adopt a first-to-invent system?
It would also require the harmonization of patentability requirements:
Finally, it would require the harmonization of exclusions. For example, would Mexico reduce the scope of exclusions as it now exists in article 19 of the law, including the patenting of business methods and computer software?
The creation of a regional patent office would require that decisions be made on a number of administrative issues:
The PCT has made a tremendous impact on patent prosecution around the world. Among other things, it has been a factor in cost reduction because it eliminates steps in the prosecution of national patents, requiring just a single search and examination.
The PCT can also perform as a vehicle for reducing steps in the prosecution of regional patents. Accordingly, it would be feasible to use it in connection with the creation of a North American patent office.
The use of the PCT in the creation of the North American patent office poses many questions; and the fact that countries maintain national patent offices would raise additional questions.
North America has become an attractive market in which to invest, and NAFTA has been an important factor of this attraction. NAFTA, as well as other international treaties in patent law, has reduced the gap and distances among the patent laws of Canada, Mexico, and the United States.
For the economic reasons outlined above, the setting up of a North American patent office may be interesting on its face. However, the creation of a regional patent office would demand much organization and investment. It would require answering many questions-especially from a legal standpoint.
In addition, the three NAFTA countries would have to modify their patent laws in order to harmonize their patent systems. They would have to change principles and practices, and alter or abandon certain views and policies that they now follow.
Finally, many issues regarding the structure, organization and performance of a regional office would have to be discussed to ensure that it can function as a single entity and in coordination with the three national offices, and with international bodies, and with treaties such as the PCT.